Democracy, the Great Illusion: How BJP’s ‘Victory’ Was More About Math Than Mandate

 

Democracy, the Great Illusion: How BJP’s ‘Victory’ Was More About Math Than Mandate


Ah, another election in India, another masterclass in the art of electoral domination, and another failure by the opposition, who, instead of fighting corruption, preferred to fight amongst themselves. The BJP’s victory wasn’t a landslide—it was a well-choreographed performance, with each move perfectly calculated to ensure the result was never in doubt.

Take Maharashtra, where Congress is raising alarm bells about 39 lakh (3.9 million) mysterious new voters, demanding explanations from the Election Commission of India (ECI). Meanwhile, in Delhi, a quiet electoral heist took place—illegal voters conveniently added, legitimate ones conveniently removed. But Congress, too busy managing its own chaos, saw no reason to interfere since Delhi wasn’t its battlefield. If there was ever a golden opportunity for the opposition to rally together against election mismanagement, this was it. Instead, they let it pass, proving that even when they have a common enemy, they simply cannot agree on a common strategy.

The INDIA bloc, an alliance that was supposed to represent a formidable opposition, turned out to be a collection of egos too stubborn to function as a unit. Instead of using these elections as a launchpad to push a common agenda, they self-destructed before they could even begin. The BJP didn’t have to do much—the opposition’s dysfunction handed them the win on a silver platter. And so, while the INDIA bloc leaders were busy debating who deserved more seats, the BJP was busy doing what it does best—controlling who votes and who doesn’t.

Delhi’s election results weren’t about public mandate; they were about electoral mathematics. AAP’s top leaders didn’t lose because the people rejected them, but because the BJP simply managed the votes better. Deleting legal voters, adding ‘floater voters,’ and ensuring a highly controlled electoral roll—these aren’t conspiracy theories anymore; they’re a playbook that works. Once the results are in, the opposition can cry foul, file cases, and seek legal remedies, but in Indian politics, public perception matters more than court decisions. By the time anything meaningful happens, the damage is already done.

Now, the BJP has the mandate in Delhi, and with that comes the responsibility of delivering on its lofty campaign promises. But will it? That depends entirely on whether governance is dictated by the people or by its corporate benefactors, particularly those from Gujarat who seem to pull more strings than the voters themselves. The next five years will be an interesting experiment—will Delhi’s economic success continue, or will it be sacrificed at the altar of big business? The city’s fiscal debt ratio for 2024-25 is currently the lowest in the country at 0.7%. Will that number hold under the new administration, or will it be another casualty of corporate-driven policymaking?

But let’s be honest, this election wasn’t about policy. The BJP’s success came from a well-oiled electoral machine that combined institutional control with media dominance. Their ability to manufacture narratives at a rate no opposition party can match is a significant advantage. And then there’s the issue of ‘floater voters’—mysterious individuals who materialize on electoral rolls in just the right places at just the right time. I encountered a BJP supporter from another state who was so confident of their victory that she did not deny voting in Delhi’s elections without when I asked if she voted knowing well, that she was not a resident of Delhi. When I asked her if she was legally eligible in Delhi, she said, “Does it even matter?” The sheer brazenness of it was telling—this wasn’t just confidence, it was certainty.

The most frustrating part isn’t just that these tactics are used; it’s that no one seems interested in fixing them. The ECI’s lack of transparency should be a national scandal, but instead, it’s a footnote in the political discourse. If the status quo remains unchanged, Indian elections will continue to be decided less by genuine voter sentiment and more by the ruling party’s ability to manipulate the process.

Yet, amidst all this, there’s an opportunity. AAP’s loss in Delhi, if viewed correctly, could serve as a rallying cry for the opposition. But will the leaders of the opposition finally bury their egos and come together for the common good of the nation? Can they unite not just for one election, but on a common agenda that citizens can believe in and trust them to deliver? Furthermore, if they do, they stand a better chance of fighting against the BJP on every front—including the media. Because if they don’t, history will simply repeat itself, and the next election will be nothing more than a predictable rerun of the same spectacle.

Footnote: Unless there is a public outcry on stolen elections and a demand for transparency from the ECI, nothing will change in India because the courts don’t intervene quickly enough to act on the charges brought by opposition parties. The BJP’s behavior has been emboldened by Rajeev Kumar, who has shown no interest in addressing these allegations and continues to dismiss them as mere “sour grapes,” despite substantial evidence pointing to his bias against the opposition.

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