When Leadership Stood With the Poor: And Why India Needs It Again
When Leadership Stood With the Poor:
And Why India Needs It Again
There was a time when a man dressed in a single piece of
cloth unsettled the most powerful empire on earth. Mahatma Gandhi owned almost
nothing, yet the entire world took notice. Some called him the most dangerous
man alive, not because he carried weapons, but because he rejected material
power and corporate pressure. The British government found him impossible to
manage precisely because he believed that nothing material was worth more than
the dignity of a nation. Gandhi proved that leadership is not measured by how
comfortably a leader moves among the rich and powerful, but by how firmly he
stands with the poor and the weak.
That standard feels painfully distant today. India is now led
by someone who claims to have risen from nothing, yet governs from a place of
spectacle and excess, visibly uncomfortable with even the simplest human
closeness to the poor. Power has become performance. Wealth has become proof of
worth. Distance from ordinary people is mistaken for authority. In this
climate, it has become easy, even fashionable, to mock Rahul Gandhi and dismiss
him as ineffective. I once shared that skepticism. But after observing him
closely over the last three years, especially during his long yatra across the
country, it is clear that Rahul Gandhi has already emerged as a national leader
in his own right.
He is not Mahatma Gandhi, and he does not claim to be. Yet
there is a quiet simplicity in him that feels increasingly rare in Indian
politics. When Rahul Gandhi walks with people, sits on the ground with workers,
or listens to farmers without cameras dominating the moment, the connection
does not feel staged. During his yatra, there was no protective distance, no
glass walls, no carefully curated crowd. People spoke to him freely, and more
importantly, they felt heard. Trust formed not because of dramatic promises,
but because he was present, patient, and willing to listen. He does not seek
attention by humiliating opponents or turning fellow citizens into enemies. His
politics is rooted in reassurance rather than intimidation, inclusion rather
than fear. These are not signs of weakness. They are signs of leadership
maturity.
The larger failure, however, goes beyond any one individual.
The Indian National Congress weakened itself by clinging to corrupt figures
long after they had lost moral credibility. Loyalty was valued over integrity,
and accountability was endlessly postponed. Even as these figures damaged the
party from within, they were protected in the name of legacy or convenience.
Rebuilding the Congress is not complicated, but it requires courage. Some ties
must be cut. Some decisions must be taken without fear. If Rahul Gandhi is to
lead effectively, the party must stop shielding those who undermine public
trust and instead align itself clearly with ethical governance.
India is one of the richest nations on earth in terms of
intellect and human potential. With its resources, talent, and scale, it can
achieve almost anything it chooses. Yet much of its leadership remains trapped
in an outdated mindset of control, where a small group of wealthy elites thrive
by keeping millions dependent and obedient. This modern form of fascism does
not strengthen a nation; it quietly hollows it out. Jawaharlal Nehru hesitated
to confront these entrenched power structures, while Vallabhbhai Patel
understood their danger and acted decisively, which is why many believe Patel
would have been the stronger prime minister had history allowed it.
India’s size and population make centralized arrogance even
more dangerous. Governing the world’s most populous nation through fear,
surveillance, and manufactured consent is not leadership; it is control.
Today’s ruling party remains in power not because it has earned overwhelming
trust, but because elections themselves have been systematically weakened.
Institutions meant to protect democracy have been compromised, opposition
voices are harassed, and the electoral process has been tilted to ensure a
predetermined outcome. Without this erosion of democratic norms, the current
government would not survive on performance alone.
The tragedy is that India now faces a situation disturbingly
similar to colonial rule. Then, wealth was extracted by foreign rulers. Today,
domestic corporate interests perform the same extraction, often with direct
government support. The money flows outward, the profits are enjoyed abroad,
and the burden is placed squarely on ordinary Indians. A loud and loyal segment
of society chooses to look away, granting the government a free hand. In
moments like these, silence is not neutrality, it is participation.
Anna Hazare may have been used by political forces, but his
core message should never have been dismissed. Corruption corrodes
institutions, economies, and public trust. The INDIA bloc must openly and
unapologetically commit to a corruption-free India, even if its own past makes
that uncomfortable. Better late than never. If India brings its vast hidden
economy into the formal system, governed transparently and honestly, the
transformation would be dramatic. The economy could realistically grow to eight
or nine trillion dollars within a few years. This is not fantasy. It requires
political will, credible economists, and leaders willing to act on evidence
rather than propaganda.
Nations that export raw materials rarely grow powerful.
Nations that convert those materials into finished products shape the global
economy. If India becomes a country that manufactures, innovates, and exports
value instead of extraction, poverty will begin to recede, and India’s rise
will be undeniable. The country lacks neither talent nor resources. What it
lacks is leadership willing to choose dignity over display, justice over
convenience, and people over power. Rahul Gandhi has shown that he understands
this responsibility.
That was the lesson of a man in a single piece of cloth. It
is the lesson India must now decide whether it is willing to defend, even when
power tries to erase it.
I believe the British feared Gandhi not because he encouraged violence, but because he rejected it entirely. His commitment to peace threatened systems that relied on conflict and control. As the Second World War ended and the arms industry prepared for expansion, Gandhi’s ideas stood in direct opposition to a world built on militarization and profit. Peace, taken seriously, would have disrupted that model.
ReplyDeleteThis may sound uncomfortable, but it is a question worth examining, even if raised late. It is possible that British interests played a role, directly or indirectly, in creating the conditions that led Nathuram Godse to stand before Mahatma Gandhi during morning prayers and kill him. Godse did not act in a vacuum. He carried deep hatred, shaped by confrontational narratives that thrived in a climate of division. Colonial governance repeatedly exploited Hindu-Muslim tensions, and propaganda and political messaging amplified hostility on all sides. In such an environment, individuals could be radicalized into instruments of violence without fully understanding whose interests they ultimately served. I am not claiming proof of orchestration. But I do believe this line of inquiry deserves serious research. Tracing Godse’s movements and associations in the 72 hours before the assassination may reveal who influenced him, supported him, or ensured his access. When an act changes history so profoundly, it is not unreasonable to ask whether it was merely individual hatred or the final outcome of forces that benefited from Gandhi’s silence.
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