Arrogance, Power, and the Unfinished Battle for India's Soul
Arrogance, Power, and the Unfinished
Battle for India's Soul
To understand any nation, one
must first understand its history and the mindset of its people. Societies do
not change overnight. They carry forward ideas, traditions, privileges, and
prejudices from one generation to the next. Unless we understand these
historical forces, we cannot understand why nations continue to struggle with
the same conflicts decades or even centuries later.
One of my favorite films, The
Gods Must Be Crazy, beautifully illustrates how difficult it is for people
living within one worldview to understand another. The Bushman family, living
in harmony with nature, finds modern civilization confusing and often
irrational. In many ways, India experienced a similar cultural shock during
British rule. The British did not merely conquer territory; they introduced an
entirely different model of governance based on bureaucracy, codified laws,
science, engineering, and modern education.
The greatest disruption was not
necessarily felt by the common people, but by those who had traditionally
enjoyed social and political privilege under the old order. Before British
rule, kings often relied heavily on advisors drawn from the privileged Brahmin
class, whose influence extended far beyond religion into administration and
governance. The arrival of a centralized colonial bureaucracy reduced the
importance of many traditional power structures and shifted authority toward
institutions operating under written laws.
At the same time, British rule
opened new opportunities through modern education. Indians who studied law,
science, economics, and political philosophy, particularly in England, returned
with a different vision of governance. Many of them realized that India could
not simply replace British rulers with Indian rulers while preserving old
social hierarchies. They believed that the country required an entirely new
constitutional framework built upon equality before law, representative
government, and fundamental rights. That vision ultimately found expression in
the Constitution of India.
Colonial governments also
understood that divisions within Indian society could be politically useful.
Policies often encouraged communal and social identities to become political
identities, making it easier to govern a deeply diverse country. During this
period, organizations representing different ideological and religious
perspectives emerged, including the Muslim League and later the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Historians continue to debate the extent to which
British policies contributed to the rise and influence of such organizations,
but there is little doubt that communal polarization became one of the defining
legacies of colonial rule.
Unfortunately, while the British
left India in 1947, many of the attitudes rooted in hierarchy and privilege did
not disappear with them.
This became evident recently when
the Home Minister of Karnataka reportedly sought information from the RSS
regarding its registration, funding, office bearers, and related organizational
details. Rather than responding to the questions, the RSS leadership reportedly
argued that, as a nearly century-old organization, it had never been required
to submit such information and therefore would not begin doing so now.
Whether one supports or opposes
the RSS politically is beside the point. In a constitutional democracy, no
organization should consider itself above the law or beyond public
accountability. India has enacted numerous transparency and regulatory laws
over the decades, particularly in response to terrorism, financial crime, and
national security concerns. Compliance with lawful oversight should apply
equally to every organization.
As I began studying the history
of the RSS, I found it significant that the organization was founded in Nagpur
in 1925, during a period when India was undergoing profound political and
ideological transformation. That history raises important questions about how
competing visions of India emerged and why many of those debates continue to
shape politics today.
My own life experiences have also
influenced how I see these issues. I have witnessed firsthand the harsh
realities of caste discrimination and the attitudes of those who believed
privilege was their birthright rather than something to be earned. Whenever I
hear arguments about "preserving culture," I often ask a simple
question: which culture are we trying to preserve? A culture of knowledge,
compassion, and equality deserves protection. A culture that justifies
hierarchy, discrimination, and inherited authority does not.
If protecting culture truly meant
protecting moral values, then corruption in religious institutions, the misuse
of public donations, and the buying of political influence would have been
opposed with equal determination. Instead, too often wealth, influence, and
inherited privilege have been used to preserve power while millions continue
struggling for opportunity.
India has spent more than seven
decades building a constitutional democracy founded on equality rather than
inherited status. Today, we once again see powerful forces attempting to revive
older forms of social and political hierarchy, often in the name of tradition
or nationalism.
The encouraging news is that we
no longer live in an age where information can easily be controlled. The
digital world allows citizens to question authority, compare evidence,
challenge propaganda, and organize around ideas rather than inherited identities.
There will undoubtedly be periods when it appears that forces of division are
winning. History, however, teaches us that no society can permanently suppress
truth, equality, and reason if enough citizens remain willing to defend them.
The future of India will not be
decided by those who shout the loudest. It will be decided by those who refuse
to surrender the Constitution, scientific thinking, and the fundamental belief
that every citizen deserves equal dignity under the law.
As someone born into the Brahmin community, I feel a special responsibility to speak out when caste is used to undermine our Constitution. The Karnataka Home Minister asked legal questions regarding the registration, funding, office bearers, and functioning of an organization that exercises enormous public influence. Instead of answering those questions, some chose to ask, "How can a Dalit question the RSS?"
ReplyDeleteThat single response exposes a mindset far more than any speech ever could.
India is governed by the Constitution of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar not by anyone's interpretation of the Manusmriti. A Home Minister derives his authority from the Constitution and the office he holds, not from the caste into which he was born. The moment someone's caste is invoked to deny his constitutional authority, the issue is no longer about transparency it is about preserving social hierarchy.
This mentality insults not only Dalits, but every Indian who believes in equality before the law. It insults millions of Brahmins like me who reject caste supremacy and refuse to accept that birth determines who has the right to question those in power.
No organization, however old or influential, is above constitutional accountability. If the response to lawful questions is caste-based intimidation instead of lawful answers, then the problem is not the question it is the ideology that believes some people are entitled to remain above scrutiny.
The Constitution made every citizen equal before the law. Those who still believe otherwise are not defending Indian culture they are challenging the very foundation of the Republic.